登陆注册
37884000000008

第8章 Chapter 2 Pecuniary Emulation(2)

But it is only when taken in a sense far removed from its ***** meaning that consumption of goods can be said to afford the incentive from which accumulation invariably proceeds. The motive that lies at the root of ownership is emulation; and the same motive of emulation continues active in the further development of the institution to which it has given rise and in the development of all those features of the social structure which this institution of ownership touches. The possession of wealth confers honour; it is an invidious distinction. Nothing equally cogent can be said for the consumption of goods, nor for any other conceivable incentive to acquisition, and especially not for any incentive to accumulation of wealth.

It is of course not to be overlooked that in a community where nearly all goods are private property the necessity of earning a livelihood is a powerful and ever present incentive for the poorer members of the community. The need of subsistence and of an increase of physical comfort may for a time be the dominant motive of acquisition for those classes who are habitually employed at manual labour, whose subsistence is on a precarious footing, who possess little and ordinarily accumulate little; but it will appear in the course of the discussion that even in the case of these impecunious classes the predominance of the motive of physical want is not so decided as has sometimes been assumed.

On the other hand, so far as regards those members and classes of the community who are chiefly concerned in the accumulation of wealth, the incentive of subsistence or of physical comfort never plays a considerable part. Ownership began and grew into a human institution on grounds unrelated to the subsistence minimum. The dominant incentive was from the outset the invidious distinction attaching to wealth, and, save temporarily and by exception, no other motive has usurped the primacy at any later stage of the development.

Property set out with being booty held as trophies of the successful raid. So long as the group had departed and so long as it still stood in close contact with other hostile groups, the utility of things or persons owned lay chiefly in an invidious comparison between their possessor and the enemy from whom they were taken. The habit of distinguishing between the interests of the individual and those of the group to which he belongs is apparently a later growth. Invidious comparison between the possessor of the honorific booty and his less successful neighbours within the group was no doubt present early as an element of the utility of the things possessed, though this was not at the outset the chief element of their value. The man's prowess was still primarily the group's prowess, and the possessor of the booty felt himself to be primarily the keeper of the honour of his group. This appreciation of exploit from the communal point of view is met with also at later stages of social growth, especially as regards the laurels of war.

But as soon as the custom of individual ownership begins to gain consistency, the point of view taken in ****** the invidious comparison on which private property rests will begin to change.

Indeed, the one change is but the reflex of the other. The initial phase of ownership, the phase of acquisition by ***** seizure and conversion, begins to pass into the subsequent stage of an incipient organization of industry on the basis of private property (in slaves); the horde develops into a more or less self-sufficing industrial community; possessions then come to be valued not so much as evidence of successful foray, but rather as evidence of the prepotence of the possessor of these goods over other individuals within the community. The invidious comparison now becomes primarily a comparison of the owner with the other members of the group. Property is still of the nature of trophy, but, with the cultural advance, it becomes more and more a trophy of successes scored in the game of ownership carried on between the members of the group under the quasi-peaceable methods of nomadic life.

同类推荐
  • 词说

    词说

    本书为公版书,为不受著作权法限制的作家、艺术家及其它人士发布的作品,供广大读者阅读交流。
  • 新城录

    新城录

    本书为公版书,为不受著作权法限制的作家、艺术家及其它人士发布的作品,供广大读者阅读交流。
  • Sketches of Young Gentlemen

    Sketches of Young Gentlemen

    本书为公版书,为不受著作权法限制的作家、艺术家及其它人士发布的作品,供广大读者阅读交流。
  • 教诫律仪

    教诫律仪

    本书为公版书,为不受著作权法限制的作家、艺术家及其它人士发布的作品,供广大读者阅读交流。
  • On the Motion of Animals

    On the Motion of Animals

    本书为公版书,为不受著作权法限制的作家、艺术家及其它人士发布的作品,供广大读者阅读交流。
热门推荐
  • 黑夜将逝黎明未至

    黑夜将逝黎明未至

    幻若虚梦,璀璨如星。即便是梦,即便一切皆是幻想,那也很美。那个梦里有友情、亲情和爱情,有与好朋友和爱人一起并肩作战的情景……那个男孩,喜欢你很久了,今天终于鼓起勇气表白。那个女孩,很迟钝,竟然现在才发现他喜欢自己,自己也喜欢他。
  • 弑神者的无限旅途

    弑神者的无限旅途

    神话复苏的不从之神,混沌恐怖的旧日外神,血腥杀戮的死之国度,神秘禁忌的SCP基金会。平和的阳光之下隐藏着许多不为人知的大恐怖;无知,不是祸而是福......动漫无限流,主世界【弑神者】—【fate】—待定新人作品,求推荐,求收藏,请求大家支持。
  • 江湖琐影

    江湖琐影

    唐代建中年间,江湖分为四大势力:北陆洛、南史城、西方无、东卫驿。安史之乱后,天下太平、江湖平静。陆氏兄妹南下,结识了百药女神医,又同史枫一路前往群英会。途中,四人与意情公子方琰相遇。与此同时,一场阴谋悄悄进行,郭坚等高手被接连暗杀,江湖笼着一层迷雾。卫驿重出江湖,卫倾莲的身世大白。陆洛的死,使磨合的四人间隙丛生、分道扬镳。最后,幕后主使浮出水面,众人人齐心协力,破解了清兰郡主、方无等人的阴谋。一场争夺《殷天经》的蓄谋终于结束,江湖陷入短暂的平静。家国破乱,身世飘零,经历了种种磨难的四人在武功和对一切的看法都有了新的领悟。最后,两对江湖情人做出了各自的选择。
  • 无上蛊神

    无上蛊神

    在神州大陆上有无数种族,无数功法,更有多个小界面,故事就发生在神州大陆下属的万毒界,看小小少年如何逆天改命,成为无上大能者,解救父母…………
  • 妖君囚爱:墙头哑妃待夫采

    妖君囚爱:墙头哑妃待夫采

    穿越成一个小哑巴,悲剧吧!更悲剧的是,还被选去做婢女。唉……婢女就婢女!反正是伺候一个看着就让人流口水的美人少主,怎么也不亏……可是这个美人少主的秘密也太多了吧!不要,危险逼近了……美人少主笑着,哄着:“乖,听话……你已经踏上了我的船,还能跑到哪里去?为了提升功力我们来双修!”双修?怎么修?哇……没必要吧……“人言草木本无心,我叹花精亦多情!!”--情节虚构,请勿模仿
  • 其实我只想当一名矿主

    其实我只想当一名矿主

    BBC记者问唐风:你对自己的事业总结是什么?唐风:我其实是一名矿主记者:你还有其他的高科技企业?唐风:那不过是为了消耗我矿业资源埃克森美孚:唐总,我们讨论一下石油进口的合同澳大利亚:我们需要铁矿进口……记着:唐先生你这么多产业,人们都说你是经营之神,你有什么感想?唐风:其实我是一名矿主
  • 天行

    天行

    号称“北辰骑神”的天才玩家以自创的“牧马冲锋流”战术击败了国服第一弓手北冥雪,被誉为天纵战榜第一骑士的他,却受到小人排挤,最终离开了效力已久的银狐俱乐部。是沉沦,还是再次崛起?恰逢其时,月恒集团第四款游戏“天行”正式上线,虚拟世界再起风云!
  • 半道的竹马

    半道的竹马

    叛逆女孩和假“古板”少年总是会发生翻天覆地的变化,就像一次偶然相遇。
  • 困在时间里的男孩

    困在时间里的男孩

    第一次写灿白文,请各位读者多提点建议哦(●v●)
  • 锟铻传

    锟铻传

    吾之血仇,以吾之剑为报!!!一国太子的恩怨情仇之旅。